New Texts Out Now: Joel Beinin, Workers and Thieves: Labor Movements and Popular Uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt

[Cover of Joel Beinin, \"Workers and Thieves: Labor Movements and Popular Uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt\"] [Cover of Joel Beinin, \"Workers and Thieves: Labor Movements and Popular Uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt\"]

New Texts Out Now: Joel Beinin, Workers and Thieves: Labor Movements and Popular Uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt

By : Joel Beinin

Joel Beinin, Workers and Thieves: Labor Movements and Popular Uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Joel Beinin (JB): I lived in Cairo for most of the time between September 2004 and December 2008. During this period, the wave of strikes and collective actions by Egyptian workers escalated dramatically. Workers invited me to visit factories and other workplaces where strikes were underway and asked that I write about what they were doing. So I began writing journalistic articles for Middle East Report, Le Monde Diplomatique, and similar outlets. I also wrote a report for the AFL-CIO Solidarity Center, The Struggle for Worker Rights in Egypt (2010, with research assistance from Marie Duboc, who was then my doctoral student).

After the ouster of former President Hosni Mubarak, I was well positioned to look back and assess the contribution of the workers movement to the formation of a culture of protest that ultimately delegitimized Mubarak. I didn’t have much residential or research experience in Tunisia. But it was very clear to me that a comparable—but also in important respects different—dynamic was at play in the ouster of former President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. So I decided to combine and streamline my Egyptian articles, fill in some gaps, travel to Tunisia for two brief research trips, and write the book as a comparative study.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does the book address?

JB: The book empirically catalogs and classifies strikes and other forms of workers’ collective action going back to the 1970s, their escalation in the 2000s, during the uprisings against the autocrats, and their continuation into the next period at an even higher pitch. In fact, such struggles are continuing to this moment. Its most important conceptual contribution is to situate the movements in Egypt and Tunisia in the framework of the imposition of neoliberal economic reform and structural adjustment programs (ERSAPs) on Tunisia, from the mid-1980s, and Egypt, from 1991. The labor movements were the most salient expression of the deteriorating conditions of life under the regime of neoliberal globalization, or “flexible accumulation,” as the regulation school of political economy terms it.

J: How does this book connect to and/or depart from your previous work?

JB: I have been working on Egyptian labor history since my PhD thesis and the publication of Workers on the Nile: Nationalism, Communism, Islam and the Egyptian Working Class, 1882‑1954 (Princeton University Press, 1987; co-autho­red with Zachary Lockman). It has never been the only thing I have researched and written about, but I have always come back to it. The recent murder and torture of the Italian PhD student Giulio Regeni, who was researching the independent trade union movement in Egypt, suggests that it will be quite a while before anyone takes up this subject again.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

JB: The book appears in the Stanford Briefs series of Stanford University Press. The series is designed to address issues of current interest in a language and format that is accessible to the educated general reader. The books are generally no longer than 45,000 words—less than half the length of the typical academic monograph. There is some political economy theory in the book—primarily about the transition from a developmentalist to a neo-liberal economic model—but it is, hopefully, presented in an accessible language. I have already assigned the book to an undergraduate class, and they were able to deal with it.

J: What other projects are you working on now?

JB: Together with my former PhD students, Toby Jones and Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt, I have just begun to work on what we are tentatively calling a “Global Atlas of Oil.” We suspect it will narrow down to the Middle East after the opening chapter. The excitement of the project is that we will be using digital mapping techniques. The Stanford Center for Spatial and Textual Analysis is providing me with research assistance and advice because I have no previous experience in spatial history.

J: What were the advantages and disadvantages of a comparative analysis of labor movements in both Tunisia and Egypt?

JB: The most important contribution of the comparative analysis was to be able to point out that class and political economy were far more salient elements of the 2011 uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt (and I might have added Bahrain and Morocco) than most Western (and even local) accounts were willing to acknowledge. The biggest exceptions in this regard are Gilbert Achcar’s The People Want: A Radical Exploration of the Arab Uprising and Anne Alexander and Mostafa Bassiouny’s Bread, Freedom, Social Justice: Workers and the Egyptian Revolution. Our perspectives are roughly similar. However, Anne and Mostafa devote considerable attention to devising a “correct” political line and to tactics and strategy than either Gilbert or I do: an appropriate distinction between those who see themselves primarily as scholars and those who see themselves primarily as activists.

At the same time, the successful installation of a (highly problematic, to be sure) procedural democracy in Tunisia, in contrast to the establishment of an authoritarian praetorian regime far more vicious than that of Mubarak in Egypt, made it necessary to argue that class and political economy alone do not determine outcomes. In these cases, the historic relationship of the trade union movements to the state and the character of the workers’ social movements during the 2000s explain a large part of the difference. The character and political role of the Tunisian and Egyptian armies is also a factor, but this is mentioned only briefly in the book.

J: How is this book related to ongoing efforts to promote political economy approaches to the study of the Middle East and North Africa, such as the Political Economy Project or the workshops on New Directions in the Political Economy of the Middle East held recently at New York University and Stanford?

JB: The book was begun before either of these initiatives was formally consolidated. I have learned a great deal from the discussions at the events convened by the initiatives and with the individuals who are involved in them. The best thing that could happen is that graduate students interested in political economy will read the book and conclude that they can do a better job or contribute something new by coming at the issues from a different angle (or by extending the analysis to Morocco or Bahrain). One of my PhD students has just begun her field research on a social history of the Gafsa phosphate-mining basin in Tunisia from the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries. This region is salient in the story my book tells (along with similarly depressed neighboring regions like Kasserine and Sidi Bouzid), but I didn’t have the opportunity to delve into it in depth. Unfortunately, field research in Egypt or Bahrain is too dangerous to contemplate at this time.

[The following piece was written for the Stanford University Press blog, and represents an extension of the arguments of Workers and Thieves: Labor Movements and Popular Uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt]

Tunisia’s Periphery Rises Up Again

On 16 January 2016 twenty-eight-year old Ridha Yahyaoui, an unemployed college graduate from Tunisia’s impoverished Kasserine governorate, learned that his name was suddenly removed from a list of seventy-five candidates for government jobs. They had been approved for employment six months earlier by Kasserine’s governor and first delegate. In desperation, Yahyaoui climbed atop a utility pole where he was electrocuted. Whether or not he intended to commit suicide is uncertain.

Solidarity protests targeting unemployment immediately erupted in Kasserine. A sit-in at the governorate headquarters began on 18 January. On 19 January two unemployed graduates threatened to jump to their deaths from the roof of the government building. The next day protests against unemployment reached the coastal cities of Tunis and Sousse.

The protests in solidarity with Ridha Yahyaoui and the demand of the youth of Kasserine for employment reprises events in the neighboring, and only minimally less miserable, governorate of Sidi Bouzid, five years ago. On 17 December 2010 a street vendor who had been harassed and insulted by the police while attempting to earn a minimal livelihood, poured gasoline on his body and ignited himself in front of the governor’s office. Tarek Mohamed Bouazizi’s self-immolation sparked solidarity protests featuring demonstrators chanting, “A job is a right, you pack of thieves!” This protest movement ultimately toppled former president Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali on 14 January 2011 and inspired uprisings throughout the Arab world. In 2016 protestors in Kasserine and beyond chanted “Work, Freedom, Dignity.”

The Nobel Prize for Peace awarded last fall to the Quartet of civil society organizations fostered the mistaken impression that Tunisia was exceptional in having achieved a stable democracy in contrast to the obstruction of popular aspirations expressed during the other Arab uprisings of 2011 in Egypt, Bahrain, Syria, Yemen, and Libya. Tunisia does now enjoy a procedural democracy, albeit one with increasing limitations. But, the economic and social discontent expressed by the desperate demise of Bouazizi and Yahyaoui has only intensified.

In 2010 the national unemployment rate was under thirteen percent. By 2015 the figure rose to 15.3 percent. Unemployment rates in the center-west and southern regions of the country (including Kasserine and Sidi Bouzid) are typically nearly double the national average. In 2015 the OECD estimated national youth unemployment (ages fifteen to twenty-four) at nearly forty percent.

Two of the Quartet members, the Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT), and the Tunisian League of Human Rights (LTDH), along with the Union of Unemployed Graduates (UDC) and the General Union of Tunisian Students (UGET), were in the forefront of organizing demonstrations in Kasserine, Sidi Bouzid, and beyond. Protests eventually extended to sixteen (of twenty-four) governorates. Youth defied the curfew proclaimed on 20 January and torched the offices of the ruling Nidaa Tounes (Call of Tunisia) ruling party in Kasserine.

The government understands the problem, but has no solution. On 20 January the cabinet announced that 5,000 unemployed in Kasserine would be hired for new public sector jobs. Another 1,400 were to be hired through an existing employment program. However, on 22 January, Finance Minister Slim Chaker revoked the promise of 5,000 new jobs in Kasserine, claiming that the previous announcement was due to a “communication error.”

The government has responded less harshly to the protests than was the norm during the Ben Ali regime. Nonetheless, security forces have liberally used tear gas (rather than live ammunition) to disperse demonstrators and wounded at least fourteen. Much of the privately owned media has amplified the government’s effort to frame the events in the discourse of national security and counter-terrorism.

National security is a real issue. There were three major terrorist attacks in 2015. Armed groups from northern Mali have relocated to the mountain range near Kasserine and established a low-level insurgency. Police are subjected to periodic attacks. On its eastern border, Tunisia is threatened by spillover from the collapse of the state in Libya, which has become a base for the Islamic State (ISIS).

Demonstrations have apparently subsided since 26 January, although the sit-in at the headquarters at the Kasserine provincial headquarters continues as of 30 January, augmented by a hunger strike. About fifty women continue to demonstrate daily in front of the municipal building of Jebiniana in the Sfax governorate. Additional details are difficult to verify, as there has been a virtual news blackout.

Whether or not protests resume, Tunisia is in a precarious state.

There will be another revolution if the social and economic circumstances do not change,” said President Béji Caïd Essebsi on the fifth anniversary of Tarek Mohamed Bouazizi’s self-immolation. Nidaa Tounes, a big-tent coalition of secularists ranging from former communists to former Ben Ali supporters has split. Over two dozen of its deputies have left, and it is no longer the largest party in the parliament. The terrorist attacks have reduced tourism to a catastrophically low level. The economy is not expected to grow at all in 2016. None of its traditional elite political forces—secular or Islamist—imagine an economic program substantially different than the one Tunisia has pursued since the mid-1980s.

The UGTT leadership has taken a distance from the violence involved in the protests against unemployment while continuing to play its traditional role. On 19 January, faced with a UGTT threat to call a general strike, the employers’ association (UTICA) agreed to increase wages for about 1.5 million private sector workers. But for the unemployed, the streets are their only recourse.

[For more information on Workers and Thieves: Labor Movements and Popular Uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, or to purchase the book, click here.] 

NEWTON 2014 Year in Review

Once again this year, as the editors of the New Texts Out Now (NEWTON) Page, we have been honored to have the opportunity to feature an astonishing range of books, articles, special issues of journals, and films for Jadaliyya readers in 2014. With authors generously agreeing to discuss their new works, offer background information on their research, and allow us to post excerpts from their books and articles, we have been able to offer first looks at some of the most important new work in the field, from established names and rising stars alike.

Here on the eve of 2015, with a new set of texts on the horizon, we have an opportune moment to look back at the previous year on NEWTON. The work below spans disciplines, regions, and methodological and theoretical approaches. We offer it for scholars working in the field, as well as teachers and students looking for recently published sources in Middle East studies.

As always, if you wish to recommend a book to be featured in New Texts Out Now, or if you have just published a book, a peer-reviewed article, or the special issue of a journal, please email us at reviews@jadaliyya.com. See you in 2015.

Myriam Ababsa, Atlas of Jordan: History, Territories, and Society

Rula Jurdi Abisaab and Malek Abisaab, The Shi‘ites of Lebanon: Modernism, Communism, and Hizbullah’s Islamists

Maha Abdelrahman, Egypt`s Long Revolution: Protest Movements and Uprisings

Niki Akhavan, Electronic Iran: The Cultural Politics of an Online Evolution

Abdullah Al-Arian, Answering the Call: Popular Islamic Activism in Sadat’s Egypt

Anthony Alessandrini, Frantz Fanon and the Future of Cultural Politics

Anthony Alessandrini, Nazan Ustundag, and Emrah Yildiz, “Resistance Everywhere”: The Gezi Protests and Dissident Visions of Turkey

VJ Um Amel, “A Digital Humanities Approach: Text, the Internet, and the Egyptian Uprising”

Zayde Antrim, Routes and Realms: The Power of Place in the Early Islamic World

Hani Bawardi, The Making of Arab Americans: From Syrian Nationalism to US Citizenship

Claire Beaugrand, Amélie Le Renard, et Roman Stadnicki, Villes et dynamiques urbaines en péninsule Arabique / Cities and Urban Dynamics in the Arabian Peninsula

Rawia Bishara, Olives, Lemons & Za’atar: The Best Middle Eastern Home Cooking

Shampa Biswas, Nuclear Desire: Power and the Postcolonial Nuclear Order

Laurie A. Brand, Official Stories: Politics and National Narratives in Egypt and Algeria

Edmund Burke III, The Ethnographic State: France and the Invention of Moroccan Islam

Melani Cammett, Compassionate Communalism: Welfare and Sectarianism in Lebanon

Sheila Carapico, Political Aid and Arab Activism: Democracy Promotion, Justice, and Representation

Reem Charif, Mohamad Hafeda, and Joumana al Jabri, Creative Refuge

Jean-Claude David et Thierry Boissiere, Alep et ses territoires. Fabrique et politique d’une ville (1868-2011)

Muriam Haleh Davis, The Afterlives of the Algerian Revolution

Ahmed El Shamsy, The Canonization of Islamic Law: A Social and Intellectual History

Gulcin Erdi-Lelandais, Understanding the City: Henri Lefebvre and Urban Studies

Abir Hamdar, The Female Suffering Body: Illness and Disability in Modern Arabic Literature

Adam Hanieh, Lineages of Revolt: Issues of Contemporary Capitalism in the Middle East

Linda Herrera, Revolution in the Age of Social Media: The Egyptian Popular Insurrection and the Internet

Linda Herrera, Wired Citizenship: Youth Learning and Activism in the Middle East

Annika Marlen Hinze, Turkish Berlin: Integration Policy and Urban Space

Valeska Huber, Channelling Mobilities: Migration and Globalisation in the Suez Canal Region and Beyond

India: Wounded States (Special Issue of Warscapes)

Jacobin Magazine, Special Section on the Gulf Cooperation Council

Rebecca Joubin, The Politics of Love: Sexuality, Gender, and Marriage in Syrian Television Drama

Mohammad Ali Kadivar, “Alliances and Perception Profiles in the Iranian Reform Movement, 1997 to 2005”

John Tofik Karam, “On the Trail and Trial of a Palestinian Diaspora: Mapping South America in the Arab–Israeli Conflict, 1967–1972”

Paul Kelemen, The British Left and Zionism: History of a Divorce

Andrea Khalil, Crowds and Politics in North Africa: Tunisia, Algeria, and Libya

Andrea Khalil, Women, Gender, and the Arab Spring

Lina Khatib, Dina Matar, and Atef Alshaer, The Hizbullah Phenomenon: Politics and Communication

Kurdish Studies, Volume 1, Issue 1

Reinoud Leenders, Spoils of Truce: Corruption and State-Building in Postwar Lebanon

Mark LeVine, The Arab Uprisings of 2011 (Special Issue of Middle East Critique)

Elisabeth Longuenesse et Cyril Roussel, Developper en Syrie. Retour sur une experience historique

Sunaina Maira and Piya Chatterjee, The Imperial University: Academic Repression and Scholarly Dissent

Nazan Maksudyan, Orphans and Destitute Children in the Late Ottoman Empire

Kamran Matin, Recasting Iranian Modernity: International Relations and Social Change

Pascal Menoret, Joyriding in Riyadh: Oil, Urbanism, and Revolt

Palestine, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict: A Primer (Revised and Updated Edition)

Leila Piran, Institutional Change in Turkey: The Impact of European Union Reforms on Human Rights and Policy

Erin Runions, The Babylon Complex: Theopolitical Fantasies of War, Sex, and Sovereignty

Kimberly Wedeven Segall, Performing Democracy in Iraq and South Africa

Nimer Sultany, “Religion and Constitutionalism: Lessons from American and Islamic Constitutionalism”

Lisa Wedeen, “Ideology and Humor in Dark Times: Notes from Syria”

Isabelle Werenfels, “Beyond Authoritarian Upgrading: The Re-Emergence of Sufi Orders in Maghrebi Politics”